Tuesday, September 20, 2011

messy business

A Guardian article from yesterday presented an analysis of the "Greek debt crisis" by four experts from the financial system. It seems that they all agree that things are not looking good. That is, not looking good for the whole of Europe. It makes one wonder why do we keep referring to the Greek crisis and not the "Euro crisis", especially when it is clear that what is being bailed out is the central European banking system (via Greece).

One analyst says:

"For most market participants, it is not a question of if Greece will default but rather when and how. An orderly and managed default would have a less damaging impact than a messy one"

Managed by whom? Damaging impact for whom?

It's clear that the following analyst is worried about European banks.

"...which clearly has the potential to send shockwaves throughout Europe's banking system."

And rightly so. For some time now, Lapavitsas has been warning for a new imminent banking crisis. Like Greece's default and exit of the Eurozone, the question for him is how and when this is going to happen. The two are of course connected. Once again, we know that the bail-out is concerned with saving the banks: instead of pouring money directly to the banks, the Eurocrats lend the money to Greece (or Ireland, or Prortugal) with a clearly written mandate that the borrower uses this money to pay back the banks. The latter are in deep shit lately, after they messed up with lending and speculative profiting during the last decade. They knew they were "too big to fail" and nobody bothered back then. They had to be bailed out once and now they have to be saved again, because the first time round it simply didn't work. In a sarcastic tone, the bankers are telling us: "try again, fail again, fail better".

Schäuble has officially said that Germany benefits from the Euro more than any other country. In the case that Greece defaults and exits the Euro (and cancels a large part of its debt), we will be talking of the hardest blow on neoliberalism in recent times. We might be even talking about the end of the Euro, or Europe as we know it. A very likely result is that the common currency will crash due to all the structural insufficiencies associated with it (so far obvious in the inequality between North and South).

But still, the analysts from the heart of the banking system consider default a certainty. Why did not the first "Greek" bail out work? Why default? Why now? Who is going to manage it? Who are going to be hit hardest from a default? This is a political question: it can only be either the banking system or the people, because of the imposed austerity, which, as the wise analysts are telling us now, is not sufficient. Did they not know that the first bail out was not enough? Of course they did. According to Lapavitsas, the whole project was aimed at stabilising the situation by rolling the private debt to the hands of the European states. So far roughly one third of the Greek debt has been transfered to the IMF, the ECB and the European states. Simply put, around €110bn has left the hands of the IMF/ECB/EU and ended up in the banks. This, and not austerity, was the point.

Austerity is simply not a solution. If I owe you €100 and I make €5000 a month, then I don't owe you much, do I? But if I earn €500 per month, then you might start thinking I won't be able to pay you back that easily. What austerity does then, is making me work less and earn less (soaring unemployment is the main result of austerity): instead of helping me make more money in order to pay you back, you're reducing the chances for you. The very definition of shortsightedness. The real reason behind austerity is simply the same old story of IMF and Latin America or South-East Asia: impose neoliberalism through the managing of debt. Especially when neoliberal theory is such a poor utopianism that nobody can really believe in. Since 2003 IMF had been the most scorned and bankrupt global institution and it was only the new crisis that resurrected it. But the Argentinean spectre will always be haunting it...

The whole thing makes one wonder, how come so much people (in Greece, in Germany and elsewhere) were actually so stupid to believe that the whole problem was caused by the lazy Greeks, and that all it took to fix it was to make them work harder for longer. Oh, sorry, that was last year. Now nobody seems to hold this argument (or at least I hope they don't). Now the argument goes like this: the problem was not that the banks were too lax, but that the were not lax enough. In other words, after Greece, like all governments, poured huge amounts of money to bail out the banks (€108bn so far), now they have to make way for the markets to do the trick. Of course, a major market player will take the place of the previously state-controlled structural sectors, like energy etc., but the money will have to be collected in the right amount, in the right time and in the right place. This of course will be provided by the banks - and that's why "we" need them so badly.

As one of the wise analysts points out (I'm being ironic not because what they're saying is not true, but because they're simply stating the obvious), the Eurocrats are faced with the horrible situation of having to decide when to pull the plug. Brrr! Do you trust them? I certainly don't. Merkel, especially after the ongoing electoral defeats, is in deep trouble trying to persuade her voters that "saving Greece" is to their long-term benefit; she can't really ask them to bail out the banks once again, can she?

You bet it's going to be messy!

Wednesday, September 14, 2011

What happened on September 11?



Most people would answer: the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York. And they would be right. But, as it usually happens, the dark anniversaries go in pairs and we seem to remember the more recent or the one that is somehow closer to us. Or we seem to forget the one that is not commemorated enough...

On September 11 1973, general Augusto Pinochet overturned the democratically elected President of Chile, Salvador Allende the people's President. The dictator was backed by the US president Richard Nixon - a corporate president who instructed his intelligence services that 'an Allende regime in Chile would not be acceptable to the United States' and that they should 'prevent Allende from coming to power or unseat him' and who let the Chicago boys loose in what became one of the first neoliberal labs.

Saturday, September 10, 2011

RONG, EROR or MEESTAKE?

Why is it wrong (and not a right) to write on a wall?
What is a properly spelled error (if not a right)?
How do we tell a mistake?

Wednesday, July 27, 2011

Returning as Shadows*

by Kostas Svolis

*book title by Paco Ignacio Taibo II

Greece’s Parliament may have ratified the mid-term austerity plan, but just a few days later, the Greek government still faces the same dead-ends. Its fiscal programme is collapsing and its sole anxiety is to continue to serve its borrowers and to improve profitability terms for capitalists, by continuously decreasing labour costs, dissolving small property, selling out public wealth and ravaging nature and the environment. Any kind of measures taken by the Greek government seem ineffective in relation to the structural crisis characterizing not only Euro, but Capitalism itself. Greece in not alone in this downfall; the company keeps growing. Debt, inflation, recession, stock market indices, are just a reflection of the true causes of crisis…

The Greek Government succeeded to ratify the mid-term austerity plan in Parliament, through the cloud created by 2500 teargas and stun grenades thrown by riot police forces to tens of thousands enraged citizens trying to dissuade the voting procedure of measures that continuously tighten the noose around the neck of workers, farmers, self-employed people and mostly, unemployed youth. Hundreds of citizens were injured by riot police batons in a battle that lasted 48 hours and during which, in spite of the terror and violence exercised by praetorians, they were not able, not even for a moment, to evacuate Syntagma Square and disperse people who since May 25th have turned it to the center of their struggle as well as a symbol of resistance.

This time the case was not about the clashing of Anti-authoritarians/Anarchists with the riot police, but about a broad popular movement of resistance. Photos and videos on the Internet are most characteristic, showing senior citizens who were trying to stop fully armed riot policemen or young girls standing up against the barbarity of state violence with their unprotected bodies as their sole weapon. Those of us who were there during this time have lived and felt the dignity of resistance and “ya basta”. Because we were returning as shadows in the square after each and every attack of the uniformed murderers, through teargas clouds, shouting “the Junta did not end in ‘73”…

Through the 48hour strike and the attempt to blockade the Greek Parliament, a circle of struggle was escalated. A struggle that started on May 25th, after the alarm clock that was set by our companions in Puerta del Sol in Madrid rang –and we thank them for it. Because that alarm clock rang at the moment when, while the uninterrupted assault by the capital, the government, the IMF, bankers and the EU leaders continued, the deadlock of the previous circle of struggle was a given. Because it rang at the precise moment when, through the outspread attacks of fascist gangs against immigrants, social cannibalism was transforming to a strategic tool for handling the popular classes’ pauperization and despair by power centers and the media.

The coincidence of the call for uprising at Syntagma Square with the disclosure of the austerity measures included in the mid-term plan, was the main reason for the mass participation of people in demonstrations. It is notable that neither trade union bureaucracy, nor primary-level trade unions, Left-wing parties or even the anti-systemic political movements were able to take that sort of an initiative. The call by the Real Democracy initiative succeeded, in spite of any contradictions, contrasts and problems, to unite people who wanted to protest, whereas all initiatives taken in the same direction until that moment had only succeeded to separate them. This was due to the fact that unification took place on common ground: the people’s opposition to the memorandum and its consequences, in combination with an open procedure of exploring what the content of the people’s reaction would be. In contrast, separations characterizing previous forms of popular reaction that were expressed mainly through general strikes, took place on the basis of ideological-political symbols and parties, as well as closed and predefined political content. The continuity promised by the Real Democracy call at Syntagma Square was giving an answer to the problem that most people had realized, that one-day general strikes were fragmentary and were not creating a prospect for long-term resistance.

Nevertheless, the 48hour strike and the blockage highlighted in the most distinctive way a threshold which, even today, the majority of the Greek society have not yet passed; the threshold that separates indignation and protesting from resisting and claiming. At the exact moment when the struggle reached its climax, it became obvious in the clearest way that there are two Syntagma Squares. The one where people are able to express their indignation and protest, fling abuse at the Parliament and shout “thieves, thieves”, blow off steam for free and return back to their daily lives, having the inmost hope that new leaders will emerge who, through “purification” and the punishment of scapegoats will reconstruct consensus and by engaging in national regeneration will succeed in preserving even a small part of the seeming consumerist affluence characterizing the previous decade. These are the same people that went to the square each weekend and afternoon and although they took part in the striking gathering of Sunday, June 5th when the number of people surpassed 300 thousand, not only did they not participate in June 28th and 29th demonstrations, but they didn’t even go on strike as it is notable that in the public sector the percentage of strikers did not surpass 20%, a percentage notably smaller than the same one during other general strikes that took place in previous months.

On the other hand, there is also the “other square”, the “square” of resistance, claiming and creation. The “square” where a great effort takes place, an effort to discover and construct structures and content that will reflect the possibilities and necessity for the establishment of a new field for exercising the political power of the people, totally different to parliamentary democracy, as the only way out from various alternatives that are being elaborated by capitalist power centers.

It is this “square” that looks into the future, wanting to build up a new tomorrow that will be based on a new perspective of how society should be and not just to return to the “happiness” of consumerism and spectacle. Nevertheless, this new tomorrow is not a prefab political outline with existing ideological symbols and predefined forms of struggle, but an open procedure of redefining not only the struggle’s nature and the content of claims involved, but social needs and values as well:

Direct democracy, autonomous self-organization, denial of mass media mediation, the open content that is reshaped through continuous dialogue, egalitarianism in terms of assembly procedures (time limit, speakers’ draw, speeches) that works in an anti-hierarchical way and in juxtaposition with “political speech specialists”, are only some of the ideological stances and practices that appear as a given for a significant number of people participating in the procedures of the Syntagma Square assembly.

Furthermore, other ideas are fermented such as squatting the means of production, changing the model of production and consumption, the necessity for redefining social relationships and the relation between society and nature, free access to common wealth, the necessity for a new statehood of direct democracy that will surpass the representative nature of parliamentary democracy, redefining the notions of politics and citizenship.

Nevertheless, all of the above do not mean that there are no views and concepts that although they should, they are not yet included in the fermentation agenda, such as: abolition of ownership of means of production, current commercial nature of both production and consumption, paid work relationships and other numerous issues. It is also a fact that there are equally problematic issues and characteristics that are being fermented in the wrong direction: a nation-centered perspective of growth, the essential absence of immigrants as a critical part of society, lack of criticism about the role of commercial economy, non-class oriented perception regarding who is responsible for the debt and the fiscal crisis (politicians and bankers are being accused as responsible, but this is not the case with capitalists and bosses), the concept that economic and not productive capital is responsible for world crisis and much more…

But it must be taken in mind that this is a procedure that started a little more than fifty days before and it is only natural that in its current form it will not be able to provide answers, but it will bring forward these issues and start a public debate around them.

It is the people that have already passed the threshold between indignation and resistance that constitute this square which is trying to find other squares in order to provide them with the ground for locality in terms of resistance, claiming and creation, it is this square that brought together tens of thousands of people, it is this square that fought a tenacious battle in the center of Athens on June 28th and 29th. It is this square that by passing the threshold etches a new path and keeps the door of future and hope open for others, it is the social pioneer of the Greek society, it is the rival to the one-way course imposed by capitalism, it is the shadows that will always return through the teargas clouds…

What’s the time?

It is time to take our lives in our hands.

Kostas Svolis, from Autonomo Steki, Athens

Friday, July 8, 2011

quick scratch #2

Germany's constitutional court will have to decide whether bailing out Greece is against the German constitution's protection of property. Last Tuesday (5 July) Wolfgang Schäuble appeared in court himself and argued that the government's decisions guarantee the stability of the euro. He also added:

"we Germans benefit even more than other Europeans from the currency union".

Who or what is been bailed out exactly?


Sunday, July 3, 2011

athens 28-29 june 2011 - addendum

29/6/11, 8pm: cops hit protester when he's down


29/6/11, 8pm: cops his protester when he's down: another view


29/6/11: cops attack in the metro station
(at 1:32 a cop is throwing tear gas inside the station)


pigs throwing stones at protesters


Thursday, June 30, 2011

athens 28-29 june 2011

syntagma square 29 june


cops attack the red cross makeshift medical centre on syntagma square

Επίθεση με χημικά στο Ιατρείο της Πλατείας (ΕΞΑΝΤΑΣ) from Yorgos Avgeropoulos on Vimeo.



cops attack protesters inside syntagma metro station


cops attack protesters near hilton